The Sociopragmatic Study of Speech Acts in Go ’ et Ira in the We ’ e Mbaru Cultural Rite

We ’ e Mbaru is a cultural rite of entering a new house in the Manggarai speech community speaking the Pasat-Ruis dialect in Flores Island, East Nusa Tenggara Province, Indonesia. Ira is one of the phases in this cultural tradition. At this stage, a Tongka (spokesperson) and participant representatives conduct cultural interactions using go ’ et (expression or proverb). This study aimed to analyze the speech acts of go ’ et in the Ira phase. The study used a qualitative method with a phenomenological approach. Data were collected using in-depth interviews with seven key informants, taken purposively with the main criteria of having adequate knowledge of Manggarai culture, good ability to use go ’ et, and experience as a Tongka. The results showed that the speech acts of go ’ et in the Ira phase included representative and directive acts (illocutionary acts). The study also found that the expressive speech act of gratitude, prayers, and hopes, and the speech act of giving financial support are categorized as perlocutionary speech acts. The use of go ’ et by a Tongka and participant representatives is considered a language politeness strategy effective for refining the language used, especially for avoiding face-threatening acts. Tongka and participant representatives need to understand the context and situation of the speech so that the choice of go ’ et is appropriate and conveyed judiciously.


INTRODUCTION
Communication is more than just transferring information. Speakers act when they speak. Even when a speaker transmit information, he or she not only the sender but also the transmitter of a message (Weigand, 2016). In communication, a linguistic error may not have many serious consequences and may not lead to severe misunderstandings (Jiang, 2015). Nevertheless, a pragmatic failure has the potential to cause misunderstandings. A listener from another culture can consider a speaker rude, dishonest, or hostile if he or she does not understand certain cultural norms (Schnurr & Zayts, 2017). According to Kádár and House (2020), communications in the ritual frame are anchored in common situations. There are always rights and obligations to consider. The interaction is not the same as the concept of bidding norms.
This study reviewed the speech acts in go'et, used in the cultural speech of the We'e Mbaru (the cultural rite of entering a new house) in the Manggarai speech community of the Pasat-Ruis dialect, in Flores Island, East Nusa Tenggara Province, Indonesia. Go'et is an expression or proverb in the Manggarai language which is rich in meanings and values, serving as a guide in directing humans to achieve a life that follows better norms (Payong, 2022). This phenomenon is interesting to study in the context of interpreting an utterance that is inseparable from the situation and context. One of the phases conducted in the We'e Mbaru is known as Ira.
Ira allows all participants partaking in the We'e Mbaru to convey certain speeches and actions to express support to the cultural rite process. A Tongka (spokesperson) provided by the owner of the new house allows the participants to express their support by using a go'et (expression or proverb). The expressions provide models, directions, and instructions for Manggarai people in living their lives (Deki, 2011). Further, Sutam (2016) stated that go'et is a proverb that is the same as torok. However, torok, which contains expressions of the Manggarai people, is more of a prayer or a form of gratitude. The term go'et is defined as a proverb that has been used over generations and is usually used at gatherings to hold cultural rites (Moses, 2019). It is a speech in the Manggarai community that serves to communicate particular messages to listeners, but not used in daily communication. It is only used in certain situations such as cultural activities and is usually spoken by elders with cultural knowledge and good Manggarai language skills. In its implementation, go'et has various values and meanings, such as religious go 'et, health go'et, friendship go'et, motivational go'et, and advice go'et (Moses, 2019).
Culture is interpreted in what might be described loosely as its anthropological sense (Mahadi & Jafari, 2012). Likewise, the meaning of go'et needs to be interpreted by the participants so that the illocutionary acts and the perlocutionary acts performed are under the speaker's intentions. Speech events can occur anywhere, for example, in the market between a trader and a buyer at a specific time, with certain topics of conversation, and in certain situations (Adhiguna et al., 2019). Likewise, in the context of the Manggarai culture, speech events can occur between the parties involved in the cultural event. For example, in the We'e Mbaru, the interactions are between the Tongka and the participants of the event.
A speech act is producing an utterance in certain circumstances representing an action (Musriyono & Saptono, 2018). The speaker's language ability in dealing with specific situations determines the speech act (Apriastuti, 2017). Therefore, meaningful interaction is not only determined by knowledge of the language but must be supported by situational and contextual factors in the use of the language as well. In this context, the speech act is a central entity in pragmatics. Therefore, Dewi et al. (2020) stated that one aspect that needs attention in interaction is the contextual meaning of the language used. Contextual meaning is concerned not only with the form of linguistic expression used but also anything outside of the intended linguistic form, including the communication context, the participants, the subject of the discussion, and the conditions or atmosphere in which the communication takes place. Context includes issues related to a spoken word's physical or social environment and background knowledge shared by the speaker and interlocutor. It helps the interlocutor interpret the message's meaning (Nadar, 2013).
A speech act performs in language and communication (Wardhaugh, 2006), and the illocutionary aspect describes the speaker's pragmatic intention (Abels et al., 2021). An illocutionary act refers to doing something when we say something (Jiang, 2015). The perlocutionary speech act is one type of speech act that occurs as a result of an utterance. This act is what is achieved by saying something. Therefore, the perlocutionary act must be viewed as a connection between two events. The cause is the production of speech by the speaker. Perlocutionary is the effect of the utterance (locutionary) spoken with a particular intention (illocutionary) (Jiang, 2015).
Studies on speech acts in different settings have been conducted by many scholars (Brown & Matusitz, 2019;Chejnová, 2021;Dawson, 2015;Gerstenberg, 2020;Hanna & Richards, 2019). Furthermore, studies on speech acts in various cultural rites have been conducted by some researchers, such as the speech acts addressed to Hadza infants in Tanzania (Abels et al., 2021), the refusal of request speech act in Persian, English, and Balouchi languages (Moafian et al., 2019), and cultural scripts and the speech act of opinions in Irish English (Gąsior, 2015). In the context of this study, studies on the use of go'et in the Manggarai speech community have also been conducted by some scholars. For example, Moses (2019) analyzed the rhetoric and meaning of go'et in the Wuat Wa'i event, Sanjaya and Rahardi (2021) analyzed metaphorical ecolinguistic values of local wisdom for traditional Manggarai wedding ceremonies. These studies explain how go'et is as intangible local wisdom, and is part of the ethics and spirit of life of the Manggarai people (Ndung, 2019).
Hence, to date, very limited studies have focused on the speech acts in go'et, specifically used in the Ira phase during the We'e Mbaru cultural rite. This study then aims to fill in this research gap. The following is the research question of this study: What speech acts of go'et are used in the Ira phase of the We'e Mbaru cultural rite? By studying the speech acts found in go'et used in the interaction among the participants in the Ira phase of the We'e Mbaru cultural rite, it is expected that the embodiment of the Manggarai's social relationships and cultural values can be better understood.

Language and Culture
Culture and language are inseparable. Language is not constant as it keeps changing in different ways (Labov, 2005), and this language growth is significantly affected by culture (Govea, 2007). Cultural differences lead to language differences, and culture influences language presentation (Geng, 2010). According to compositional approaches, culture may be seen in all facets of social life. Different levels of 'cultures' can encompass more readily observable rituals and behaviors and covert ideals, beliefs, and presumptions (Schnurr & Zayts, 2017). Culture is a set of unconscious-based behaviors and ways of being. It is generally defined as the set of inherited and innate ideas, attitudes, beliefs, values, and knowledge that comprise or form the common ground of social action (Mahadi & Jafari, 2012). As a mental program, it affects almost every aspect of human functioning, including verbal interactions and verbal expression (Moafian et al., 2019;Prykarpatska, 2008). To understand other cultures, one must be more flexible to understand the languages as well, along with the inner and interpersonal relationships, traditions, and anything else related to the development of cultural understanding (Rachmawati, 2020).
Language is not only a product of cultures but also a symbol of culture. Language is a cultural instruction, and culture is determined by language (Fauzia et al., 2022). A language's development frequently impacts the culture it is connected to, and cultural norms are often expressly encoded in the language (Kuo & Lai, 2006). Therefore, speech acts as part of pragmatic theory are relevant to be studied from its use in different languages and cultural discourses.

The Speech Acts Theory
Speech acts are verbal communication, and how they are used will depend on the situation (Ordenes et al., 2019). Speech acts, which refer to the performative aspect of communication in which phrases and actions are seamlessly woven together, emphasize the importance of the action that the message wants to convey (Barinaga 2009). The concept of speech acts begins with the idea that when a person speaks, they perform utterance acts, propositional acts, and illocutionary acts. Speech act theory is based on the premise that speakers use language to perform intended actions. Listeners infer the intended meaning from the speaker's words (Brown, 2019;Gumperz, 1982).
Referring to Austin's (1975) speech act theory, there are three types of speech acts: locutionary, illocutionary, and perlocutionary (Wardhaugh, 2006). Locutionary acts are speech acts that are easier to understand. They are connected to an expression's literal meaning. Locutionary activities are spoken expressions such as saying something, conveying information, talking, asking, and so on. Locutionary utterances obey the truth conditions and require an understanding of reasons/feelings and references, and these references depend on the speaker's knowledge at the narration time (Dejarnette et al., 2015).
The illocutionary act has a particular function or 'power', called illocutionary power. In simple language, illocutionary power is the speaker's intention (Brown, 2019). The illocutionary act is the key to interpreting an utterance. In the context of cultural interaction, understanding an utterance's cultural meaning can be improved by examining its illocutionary force (Bouchara, 2015).
Perlocutionary acts are behaviors or mental states that result from or are brought on by speech. These acts are produced or achieved by saying something. These acts interpret the speaker's intent by the listener (Dejarnette et al., 2015), and it must therefore be understood as a causal relationship between two events. The cause is the production of speech by the speaker, and the perlocutionary is the impact of the utterance that contains a specific intention (illocutionary). Perlocutionary acts are more natural, not governed by convention, and cannot be confirmed by question (Hanna & Richards, 2019;Jiang, 2015). Searle (1979) developed Austin's (1975) illocutionary acts into five categories: (1) Representatives, or assertive, are speeches that bind speakers to the truth of the propositions expressed, for example, stating, suggesting, boasting, complaining, and claiming.
(2) Directives are utterances intended for the speech partner to act according to the speech, for example, ordering, begging, advising, and recommending. Weigand (2016) called the directive speech act an initiative speech act. Its specific quality is a claim to a practical action's performance.
(3) Commissive acts require the speaker to commit to doing something in the future.
The illocutionary point of a commissive speech act, according to Dawson (2015), is to bind the speaker to do something. (4) Expressive, namely the expression of attitudes and feelings about a situation or reaction to the attitudes and actions of people. According to Yule (1996), the speaker's feelings and the effects of what they or their conversation partner do are expressed through expressive speech acts. They have the effect of signaling and expressing the current psychological state of the speaker (Witek, 2021). Thus, in this respect, they resemble sincere and overt natural manifestations of psychological conditions (5) Declarative, i.e., illocutionary, causes change or conformity between proposition and reality. According to Yule (1996), a declaration is a type of speech act that changes the world through speech.

Research Design
The study used a qualitative method with a phenomenological approach, because it is based on a phenomenon in the field, namely the use of go'et in cultural interactions, specifically at the We'e Mbaru cultural rite. Through in-depth interviews and participatory observations, the meaning, cultural values, and types of speech acts used in cultural interactions were captured. The study involved all aspects, including how go'et in the Ira phase is used by the spokeperson (Tongka) and the participant representatives in the We'e Mbaru in the Manggarai Pasat-Ruis dialect. Austin (1975) and Searle's (1979) speech act theories were used to explain the relationship between the participants in the Ira phase of the We'e Mbaru ritual speech events.

Participants
The participants in this study were seven elders, aged 60 to 70, from the Pasat-Ruis dialect community. They are from one village, Sambi Village, with three Gendang (customary administrative area) in the Manggarai regency, Flores Island, East Nusa Tenggara Province, Indonesia. The participants were purposively chosen based on the following criteria: 1) living in the Pasat-Ruis dialect community for over 20 years, 2) having the knowledge of Manggarai culture, 3) having the knowledge and skill of using go'et in the cultural event, and 4) having experience of being a Tongka (spokesperson) in the Manggarai cultural events.

Data Collection and Data Analysis
Data were collected through interviews and participatory observation. Interviews were recorded using a voice recorder, and the researcher asked nine questions to the participants as the main questions to obtain data. These questions relate to (1) the meaning of the We'e Mbaru cultural rite, (2) the time of conducting the event, (3) people invited to the event (4) the meaning of Ira, (5) the time Ira is held, (6) the utterances (of the speakers and addressees) at the Ira stage, (7) how go'et is used, (8) the meaning of go 'et, and (9) what the speaker expects from the speech delivered. The researcher conducted participatory observations to complete the interview data by involving himself directly in the We'e Mbaru cultural rite. An observation guide was used in the process. The interview data and observations results were analyzed descriptively using the interactive model proposed by Miles et al. (2014), consisting of data collection, reduction, display, verification, and conclusion.

RESULTS
This section presents the results from this study.

The Meaning of We'e Mbaru Cultural Rite
Based on the results of interview data analysis, the We'e Mbaru is a traditional event that indicates the house owner is starting to occupy a new house.
(1) "Maksudn' one mai adak We'e Mbaru kut tombo wali dia latang te sembeng de Morin agu Ngaran puung du wangkan turung agu cemoln' pande mbaru. Nenggitu kole wali dia latang te sanggen ceki. Ai le ngaji dise ngance cemoln pande mbaru. Adak wee mbaru kole kut pecing le naga mbaru, ai mbaru poli panden agu kut kaeng laing gah. Nenggitu kole kut pande hambors sanggen beci, semen, pasir, watu, seng, paku agu haju latang pande esen mbru". (LT) [The purpose of the We'e Mbaru cultural rite is to express gratitude to God, the creator, for His guidance during the house construction process. Likewise, thanksgiving is given to the ancestors. The construction of the house was completed because of their prayers. The We'e Mbaru also means that the Naga Mbaru knows that the house has been built and will be occupied. In addition, the We'e Mbaru cultural rite has the intention of reconciling all the components in building a house including sand, cement, stone, wood, sing, and nails].
There are several meanings for the We'e Mbaru event. First, the homeowner expresses gratitude to God for His provision so that the homeowner can complete the house construction process. Traditionally, the event signifies that the house owner expresses gratitude to an invisible subject, namely the ancestors who have contributed during the house construction process. Second, the We'e Mbaru cultural rite aims to symbolically notify the Naga Mbaru (the invisible owner of the house; the house itself) that the house has been built and will be occupied. In this context, the event aims to prevent Babang Agu Bentang (feelings of being unappreciated due to disrespect) the Naga Mbaru along with other invisible subjects believed to be around the house construction area. Third, We'e Mbru is an event for the reconciliation process between all the components of a house building, such as cement, sand, stone, wood, zinc, nails, and others. The Manggarai people believe that the reconciliation of these elements through the We'e Mbaru cultural rite brings positive energy and extraordinary strength to a house building that can prevent it from danger.
In this cultural process, the Manggarai speech community conveys gratitude and plea so that the house owner receives abundant sustenance, is blessed with health, and is successful in every business when they occupy a new house. In this context, We'e Mbaru is a cultural event of gratitude and supplication.

Illocutionary Acts of Go'et in the Ira Phase of the We'e Mbaru Cultural Rite
In the procession of the We'e Mbaru, the owner of the house and his family invite several groups of participants, including Pa'ang Ngaung (all members of the community), Anak Wina (the family of the house owner's sisters), and Anak Rona (the family's brothers). In addition, the house owner provides a Tongka (spokesperson) with good knowledge and skills in the Manggarai language and culture. Therefore, the Tongka is the representative of the house owner in conveying specific speech to the participants.
Ira is one of the essential stages in the traditional We'e Mbaru procession. Ira starts when a Tongka delivers a speech asking for the participants' willingness (Pa'ang Ngaung, Anak Rona, and Anak Wina) to give support and witness the process of the We'e Mbaru cultural rite. The speech is accompanied by the delivery of a bottle of Tuak (the traditional drink of the Manggarai speech community containing alcoholic substances) to the representative of each group. Tuak symbolizes a sense of respect for the participant representatives. (2) is the text of Ira's speech delivered by the Tongka: (2) "Ite ase kae pang ngaung, anaki wina, anak rona. Mangan nggewit weki potomoso dite, ai le wie hoo kut adak wee mbaru weru de ase kae dite … (ngasang data ngara mbaru The utterances of the Tongka in (2) contain several go'et phrases with illocutionary speech acts. Some of the illocutionary speech acts are shown in Table 1.  Table 1, it can be seen that each go'et phrase has a different intention (illocutionary act). The intentions of the phrases can be classified into two categories. They are explained in the next sub-sections.

Illocutionary act of reinforcing information and asking for support
The use of goet in (3), nggewit weki poto moso, aims to state that the family has invited all the participants to attend the We'e Mbaru cultural rite. The use of this go'et plays a role as an invitation and undertaking the cultural event. In addition, it aims to refine the language used by the Tongka so that the participants feel valued and respected as guests invited by the house's owner. (

3) nggewit weki poto moso [touch the body] invite
The go'et in (4), (5), and (6)  In addition, the use of go'et in (7) shows that the Tongka expects the participants to be the parties who indirectly reject all forms of evilness that may occur to the house owner.
(7) lewang ngger peang, po'e ngger one to reject all evilness/protect the family from all bad things internally and externally The delivery of hope is closely related to the belief of the Manggarai people in the Pasat-Ruis dialect that the Pa'ang Ngaung are the closest people who can help each other in social life. Pa'ang Ngaung is considered a symbol of togetherness, having greater power than living individually. Anak Wina is a party that consistently supports the success of every house owner's cultural event, financially and through other contributions. Anak Rona is considered a party that must be respected and appreciated due to its status as the source of the inheritance of offspring. These cultural values need to be acknowledged by the Tongka as a speaker. Knowledge of these cultural values helps the speaker use the go'et appropriately so that the interlocutor can understand the speech and achieve the aim of the cultural event. Interpretation and understanding of cultural values are aligned with Hymes' (1972) theory of ethnographic communication. Those involved in the interaction in a particular context of culture should understand the norm of interaction and interpretation. These two things help both speaker and listener interact harmoniously, and these can achieve the objective of communication.

Illocutionary act of influencing the interlocutor to perform an action
By referring to cultural values in the Manggarai speech community of the Pasat-Ruis dialect, the use of go'et in the Ira phase of the We'e Mbaru cultural rite implicitly has the intent of influencing the interlocutor and all the participants as a whole to take action (see examples of the go'et in (3) to (7)). The illocutionary speech act indirectly affects the participants to provide support in the form of material. The support is not an obligation. However, it is a sign that the participants fully support the process of traditional events and the life journey of the homeowner in his new house. The speaker's illocutionary speech act of go'et is observed as the off-record politeness strategy. The speaker influences the interlocutor to take action indirectly and politely. The actions taken are then determined by the ability of the interlocutor to understand the meaning of go'et and the ability to understand cultural and traditional values in the context of the We'e Mbaru cultural rite. This finding aligns with Brown's (2015) concept of politeness as the 'correct' social behavior. He urged that politeness is associated with specific verbal constructions and formulaic expressions, which can vary significantly among languages and cultures.
Communicating intent and state of affairs form the meaningful structure of every speech act. The speaker realizes action schemes by linguistic means in communicative situations. They are performed verbally, not in sentences, and no longer in expressive forms. In speech situations, tangible physical objects and conditions can become situational manifestations (Weigand, 2016). The speech act of influencing the interlocutor to act by using go'et in the Ira phase is the construct of the conscious action model. Although spoken politely, the speaker must explain the action taken according to the situation and the context of the event.

Perlocutionary Acts of Go'et in the Ira Phase of the We'e Mbaru Cultural Rite
Illocutionary acts conveyed by the Tongka need to be interpreted by the interlocutor (participant representatives). They help perform the perlocutionary acts following the speaker's intentions. Thus, by using the knowledge of the go'et meanings in the Ira phase, the participant representatives (Pa'ang Ngaung, Anak Wina, and Anak Rona) did perlocutionary acts expected by the Tongka. The following is the speech text of the interlocutors (Pa'ang Ngaung/Anak Wina/Anak Rona) in response to the speech delivered by the Tongka:  (pa'ang ngaung, anak wina, and anak rona) convey that this new house is a place to live in for the rest of our brother's life, (name of the owner of the house). We hope they will always be given health and success in all kinds of business as long as they occupy this new house, farming (rice and corn), pig farming, and chicken farming. May they be blessed with offspring. We brothers and sisters (pa'ang ngaung, anak wina, and anak rona) also pray that they will be kept away from various bad things while occupying their new home.] Based on (8), there are some go'et phrases used and considered to be perlocutionary acts, as presented in Table 2:  Table 2 depicts that the speech acts performed by the participant representatives are the results of the illocutionary speech acts conveyed by the Tongka. Therefore, the participant representatives need to be able to interpret the meanings of the utterances brought through the illocutionary acts of go'et Ira. Some kinds of perlocutionary speech acts conveyed from the data are explained in the next sub-sections.

Perlocutionary acts of gratitude
The perlocutionary acts of gratitude are conveyed using the following go'et: (9) pagat langkas agu moso mese [kindness] The interlocutors (participant representatives) express their gratitude for the kindness of the new homeowner who has invited them to the We'e Mbaru cultural rite. In the tradition of the Manggarai community, an invitation is a form of appreciation for the participants' existence in the togetherness of social life. The inviter realizes that he can make a cultural event a success with the help of fellow citizens in the community. In addition, invitations show their existence as social beings who fill each other's shortcomings. Thus, the perlocutionary act of gratitude indicates the awareness of the magnitude of the meaning of the house owner's invitation, which is interpreted through cultural values and social life.

Perlocutionary acts of prayers and hopes
Based on the text delivered by the interlocutor (participant representatives), it can be seen that the speech begins with go'et in: The go'et in (10) has a figurative meaning that the house owner will occupy the new house for life. The house owner uses the house to shelter from the rain and the sun. A house is also a place of rest. By knowing these cultural values, the interlocutors can convey speech acts of prayers and hopes by using the following go'et: (11) porong bolek loke agu baca tara [I hope your skin is bright and your face is fresh] I wish you good health and success.
The Manggarai speech community believes that health is the key to the success of any activities in family life. Families who are physically and mentally healthy have the opportunity and ability to work. Furthermore, they will get income from their work to meet their life needs. Happiness is a simplicity manifested through health and success in every business. Thus, the use of go 'et (11) shows that the interlocutors perform speech acts through prayers and hopes that the new house owner will always be blessed with health, success, and happiness in his or her new house.
(12) porong lopo lompa koes woja, lobo tajuk koes latung [hope rice is at the end of the iron, and corn is at the end of the pointy wood]. May the rice plants thrive, and the corn plants thrive.
In the phrase of go'et in (12), two lexicons refer to the tools used by farmers in Manggarai to grow rice and corn, namely Lompa and Tajuk. Therefore, the use of the go'et shows the proximity of the Manggarai people, which use rice and corn as their primary source of livelihood. Thus, the go 'et in (12) shows that the interlocutors (participant representatives) pray for the house owner that they will always be successful in agricultural activities (rice and corn) after living in the new house.
(13) porong has kina naang [lots of pigs squeaking] Hopefully, the number of domestic pigs will increase. Hopefully, there will be more chickens.
The Pasat-Ruis dialect community in Manggarai generally uses the agricultural sector as their main livelihood. They also raise several types of livestock, used as life support, primarily to financially support their children's education. The livestock includes chickens, pigs, and large animals, such as cows and buffalos. The choice of 'pigs' in the goet in (13) is because the Manggarai people are mostly Catholics who allow the livestock. Pigs have a reasonably high economic value and a broad market target as the leading animals used in most cultural events in their community. Therefore, the use of the go'et in (13) and (14) refer to the hope that the family's economy will improve through raising chickens and pigs. Therefore, the interlocutor conveys the speech act through prayers and hope that the homeowners have success in the business of raising chickens and pigs while living in a new house.
In addition to the two go'et phrases in (13) and (14), the interlocutor also uses the phrase of the go'et below: (15) porong ita ata milat, keor ata mbeot [found wild, returned lost] The goet in (15) refers to livestock that is close to the economic life of the Manggarai community. It does not explicitly mention the type of animal. However, the interlocutor understands that the lexicon milat and mbeot refers to a large, fourlegged animal that was initially wild but later turned into domesticated animals by the community, namely buffalo and horses. Therefore, the use of this go'et shows that the interlocutor conveys speech acts of prayers and hopes that all the large four-legged animals that are kept will develop and multiply as long as they occupy the new house.
The interlocutor also uses the phrase in the following go'et: (16) porong beka agu buar [I hope you have many children and grandchildren] The use of the go'et in (16) is a perlocutionary act of prayer and hope that the owner of the new house will be blessed with many offspring. The go'et is influenced by the life philosophy of the Manggarai community, who believes that the amount of sustenance in the family is directly proportional to the number of descendants, "the more offspring, the more sustenance". However, this philosophy may be less relevant to current conditions, which are more influenced by the flow of technological developments, high population growth, and low number of jobs. Nevertheless, the go'et is still relevant when referring to success in the livestock sector.

Perlocutionary act of giving financial support
Perlocutionary acts of certain utterances, attitudes, or actions are results from the illocutionary acts of the speaker. In the study, the illocutionary act of the Tongka resulted in the perlocutionary act of certain thoughts, utterances, and actions. The interlocutor interprets the intent and purpose of the spokesperson's speech (Tongka) in the context of Manggarai culture. In delivering perlocutionary acts, the interlocutor not only conveys perlocutions of prayers and hopes but is also expected to take specific actions by handing over a certain amount of money. It is followed by the actions taken by all the participants of the We'e Mbaru cultural rite.
There are two cultural values in it. First, the interlocutor and all participants have a sense of solidarity to help the We'e Mbaru cultural rite process. It is based on the awareness that the event's success is supported by sufficient financial availability. Second, the interlocutor and all participants have a moral responsibility as fellow members of the community. It indicates that they are always ready to help the house owner with any difficulties when he lives in the new house.

DISCUSSION
From the data analysis, the use of go'et in the Ira phase in We'e Mbaru contains speech acts. Based on Searle's (1979) speech act theory, there are three types of illocutionary speech acts found in the goet of the Ira phase. The first is representative speech acts in the Tongka's speech to reinforce information. Illocutionary speech acts are a crucial component of speech act theory (Jiang, 2015). An illocutionary act is an act through saying something, which means we do something when we say it (Austin, 1975). Searle (1979) stated that representatives are speeches that bind speakers to the truth of the propositions expressed. The speaker uses the representative speech act in the go'et to communicate and inform the substance of the traditional event during the Ira phase. It is stated to the participants so that they know the reason they are invited.
The second is the directive speech act in the Tongka's speech, in which he requested the participants to support the We'e Mbaru process. Weigand (2016) called the directive speech act an initiative speech act. Directives are utterances intended for the speech partner to act according to the speech, for example, requesting, ordering, begging, advising, and recommending. According to Green (2015), one can make a statement that implies or invites the audience to do something without expressly requesting them. In this study, the directive speech act is used by the Tongka to ask all participants to pray and wish for a better life for the new house owner. The directive speech act is not conveyed lexically. Instead, the Tongka uses go'et, which needs the listeners' interpretation to understand the spokesperson's meaning. In this context, the circumstance should be precise so that the intended action can be completed (Brown & Matusitz, 2019), and the audience's reaction to the activity reflects what they believe the speaker is trying to convey (Fauzia, et al., 2022;Nadar, 2013).
Directive speech act in the Tongka's speech influences the interlocutor to take action. One important finding related to the implementation of the illocutionary speech act through the study is that the use of go'et in the Ira phase is regarded as a politeness strategy performed by the Tongka to the listener, which is categorized as an off-record politeness strategy (Coulmas, 2006;Maros & Rosli, 2017;Mugford, 2022). The speaker uses a directive speech act to request, and even to command reasonably. The ability of a listener to understand the meaning of the go'et and knowledge of cultural value determines the appropriate perlocutionary act taken. Yaqin et al. (2022), through their study, highlighted that the importance and value of communication are impacted by speech acts and utterances that are related to the cultural context; culture determines the goal of the utterances within a culture. In this view, being polite is considered appropriate and expected behaviour. Linguistics research often distinguish between appropriate behavior, expected in certain situations, and polite behavior, which has some added value (Chejnová, 2021). Watts (2003) used a different term to refer to expected behavior. He uses the term 'politic behavior' which involves mutually shared forms of consideration for others in a given culture. He considered rudeness an observable political violation, which resulted in negative reviews from participants. Polite behavior is an observable 'addition' to political behavior, which can be rated positively but can also be evaluated negatively. Govea (2007) stated that language growth is significantly affected by culture. Language and culture are inextricably linked. Cultural differences lead to language differences (Moafian et al., 2019). Thus, the interlocutor in the We'e Mbaru needs to understand two things: (1) the context and situation of the speech, and (2) the ability to understand the traditions that are usually carried out in the Ira phase. Communication in a speech event is intimately tied to non-linguistic aspects, including where, when, who is the speaker and the opponent, speech content, purpose, and tone, and is brought into the speaker's mental state (Qalyubi, 2017). Thus, in this study, findings related to perlocutionary speech acts include, first, the perlocutionary acts of gratitude and, second, the perlocutionary acts of prayers and hope. Both types of speech acts are classified as expressive speech acts. Expressive is an expression of attitudes and feelings about a situation or reaction to people's attitudes and actions (Witek, 2021). In line with that, according to Yule (1996), expressive speech acts state what the speaker feels caused by what the speaker or speech partner does, such as regretting, apologizing, welcoming, and thanking. According to Green (2009), a characteristic feature of expressive speech acts is that they are designed to provide propositional knowledge that allows the proof of psychological states. The expressive speech act is designed to signal and express inner states of being materialized in their sincere condition, while affirmations are intended to express beliefs, requests, desires, promises, apologies, and regret (Ludwig, 2020;Witek, 2021). Since expressive speech acts both signal and show speakers' current psychological states, in this research, the expressive speech act is used to convey participants' gratitude for inviting them to the cultural event of We'e Mbaru. In addition, it is used for saying prayers and hopes for the future life of the new house owner. The expressive act expresses the speaker's state of mind or attitude toward a proposition and impacts the listener (Hanna & Richards, 2019). By using expressive speech act, the listeners, particularly the new house owner, feel appreciated, cared for, and loved. He is a part of the community as well.
Second, the perlocutionary acts of giving financial support. It results from the illocutionary speech act conveyed by the Tongka. As Green (2015) argued, one can say one thing and indicate or ask the listener to do something else, even if it is not directly stated. It is found that the participant representatives did not make bargaining or refused the illocutionary acts of the Tongka to avoid the face-threatening act (FTA). Refusal is the utterances the listeners do not want to hear (Jiang, 2015). Even though Wannaruk (2008) stated that the speech act of refusing is a face-threatening speech act where communication breakdowns may commonly occur, it does not exist in the Ira phase of the We'e Mbaru cultural rite. In this speech event, the interlocutor's understanding of the We'e Mbaru assists the effort to avoid the face-threatening act. Leech (1983) defined politeness as a type of behavior used to create and maintain harmonious interactions, while Lakoff and Sachiko (2005) advocated that politeness facilitates future interactions by reducing the potential for conflict and confrontation to exist in all human interactions. The interlocutors must therefore employ specific strategies to mitigate the threat based on a reasonable assessment of the risks faced to avoid FTAs (Maros & Rosli, 2017). In this study, the researcher observed that the use of go'et in the Ira phase is considered a specific strategy to avoid FTAs, and is expected to respond to the speaker's intention. The speech act of giving some amount of money aims to avoid the FTA of the Tongka, interlocutors, and other participants.

CONCLUSION
Based on the data, the study shows that the illocutionary speech acts of go'et in the Ira phase are representative speech act of reinforcing information, directive speech act of requesting the participants to give support for the process of We'e Mbaru cultural rite, and directive speech act of influencing the interlocutor to take an action for providing material support. Meanwhile, the perlocutionary speech acts include the perlocutionary acts of gratitude, prayers, and hope, and the perlocutionary act of giving financial support.
Using go'et in the Ira phase by the Tongka and participant representatives is one of the language politeness strategies considered adequate for refining the language used and especially avoiding the face-threatening act of both the speaker and listeners. The Tongka, as a spokesperson, and interlocutor (participant representatives), needs to understand the context and situation of the speech so that the choice of go'et in speech is appropriate and can be conveyed properly. Thus, the selection of Tongka as the spokesperson and the interlocutors (participant representatives) needs to consider the cultural and language knowledge possessed to optimize harmonious interaction between the two, and to avoid face-threatening acts caused by linguistic errors.
Although this study has presented the speech acts in the go'et of the Ira phase at the We'e Mbaru cultural rite, there are some limitations to be considered for future related studies. First, this study only focused on the use of go'et in the Ira phase of the We'e Mbaru, meanwhile, go'et is commonly used at various stages in many traditional events of the Manggarai speech community. Second, the researcher only conducted the study on three Gendang (customary administrative areas) in one village in Manggarai. Manggarai is a district that has dozens of Gendang (customary administrative areas) with slightly different cultural characteristics. Therefore, further research can be carried out by examining the go'et speech acts in other traditional events as well as language politeness strategies in speech between the Tongka and participant representatives. Go'et is a cultural treasure in language of the Manggarai community, and can be further studied from various perspectives to add knowledge in the field of pragmatic studies.